Russia's colonial ambitions in Africa: How is Ukraine trying to resist the expansion?

Russia continues the tradition of imperial and Soviet times by making a third attempt to colonize the African continent.

Extraction of valuable resources in Sudan, CAR, Congo, and Zimbabwe. Recruiting local students to fight in Ukraine. Supporting military juntas and coups. Media campaigns spreading disinformation across the continent. Making countries dependent on its grain and creating artificial food crises. All of this is just part of what Russia is currently doing in Africa.

Meanwhile, Ukraine is conducting military operations in Africa, providing free grain, and strengthening its diplomatic influence. The war for our independence has already expanded beyond Ukraine — far beyond the Kursk region. The new battleground is Africa.

Colonialism is the state practice of forcibly seizing political and economic control over a country in order to exploit its resources and create a market for goods. By this definition, Russia is the new colonizer of Africa in the 21st century, denying any involvement in colonialism.

Sixty-four years ago, 17 Western European colonies in Africa declared independence one by one. The final end of European colonialism came in 1990 when Namibia became an independent state.

European colonialism is one of the most painful issues for African society. Russia and China skillfully manipulate this "trauma" in Africa in their international rhetoric. Anti-Western sentiments among the population help these two new "empires" to gain a foothold on the continent. The main narratives used by Russia in Africa, according to the Center for Countering Disinformation, are "The West is a colonizer and imperialist" and "The West provoked the war with Russia and continues to fuel it."

Russia is positioning itself as an alternative to the former metropolises: France, Great Britain, Portugal, Belgium, and others. Russia presents itself as a "champion of the Third World," fighting against the unjust Western world order. These are the narratives that Russia promotes in Africa.

Today, Russia is trying to implement a policy that the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union failed to do. In the 1880s and 1890s, the Russian Empire attempted to establish its first colonies in Africa, specifically in the territories of modern-day Djibouti and Ethiopia. Russia planned to colonize all of Ethiopia but failed. As African affairs analyst Illia Nesterenko of the ADASTRA think tank points out, "Either Russia abandoned its colonizers, or they abandoned it."

The Soviet Union supported pro-communist governments in Algeria, Egypt, Somalia, Ethiopia, Mozambique, and Angola — or at least gave the impression of doing so. In 1977-1978, the USSR was involved in the Ogaden War between Ethiopia and Somalia, although both states were socialist and pro-communist. The USSR sided with Ethiopia, probably because, as Nesterenko notes, "some socialist countries are better than others.” Ethiopia won only thanks to Soviet arms, marking the end of the USSR's "idealistic" relations with Africa. It became clear that the Soviet Union was pragmatically choosing whom to "befriend," thereby cementing its colonial character in its relations with Africa.

According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Russia was the leading arms exporter to Africa (40%). This benefits Russia by generating profits and fueling instability on the continent. Russian arms do not require governments to adhere to human rights or democratic principles, making them attractive to authoritarian African leaders.

Thirty percent of Africa's grain imports also come from Russia. After pulling out of the grain deal with Ukraine, Russia announced that it would provide free grain to six African countries, according to Reuters. Such policies make entire countries on the continent dependent on the will of the Kremlin.

Russia is continuing the Soviet practice of interfering in African countries and supporting military coups or civil wars. As Vox Ukraine reports, Russia presents this activity as anti-colonial, but the real reason is to control critical resources on the continent and to distance African societies from the West. Currently, Russian troops and Wagner Group representatives are present in Libya, Sudan, the Central African Republic, Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Zimbabwe, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea, South Africa, and Madagascar. Chad may be next.

The Kremlin operates in countries with limited government by signing mining contracts through companies it controls. PBS News reports that the European Parliament highlights Russia's access to gold and diamonds in the Central African Republic, cobalt in Congo, gold and oil in Sudan, chromite in Madagascar, platinum and diamonds in Zimbabwe, and uranium in Namibia.

According to the American nonprofit Democracy 21, Wagner and Russia have made about $2.5 billion from trading in African gold since the invasion of Ukraine.

Russia opened its propaganda path to Africa from the north in 2007 with the launch of the Arabic-language division of Russia Today, which broadcasts Russian narratives across North Africa. This was well before similar divisions in Spain (2009), the United States (2010), the United Kingdom (2011), Germany (2014), and France (2017).

Meta and X (formerly Twitter) blocked the main pages of RT and Sputnik during Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. X has since restored the blocked pages, and Facebook still hosts RT's Algerian and Egyptian divisions, with 500,000 and 1 million subscribers, respectively. This audience is relatively small, notes Serhii Syrbu, an analyst at the Center for Democracy and the Rule of Law. By comparison, Al Jazeera has 28 million subscribers, while French media Africanews has 235,00, and Algeria's largest newspaper, Echorouk, has 2.8 million. Nevertheless, these regional RT sites have carved out a niche among local audiences in North Africa and can influence public opinion.

The situation is more interesting in the Sahel and the south. Russia exerts significant media influence in this region through outlets such as "Russosphère" (Russian Sphere), which was launched in February 2022, just days before Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. This propaganda outlet quickly gained popularity on Facebook, X, YouTube, Telegram, and VK (Russian Facebook-like social media) in Africa. Typical Russosphère posts accuse France of modern colonialism, praise Vladimir Putin and Wagner, and call the Ukrainian army "Nazis" and "Satanists."

According to a BBC investigation, the founder of Russosphère is Belgian Luc Michel. Michel was politically active in neo-fascist groups in Belgium before becoming a follower of Jean Thiriart, a former Nazi collaborator. Michel envisioned a "Euro-Soviet empire from Vladivostok to Dublin" united against America. Michel himself identifies as a Stalinist. The combination of Nazi and Communist views in one person remains a mystery.

In the course of his career, Michel worked in Libya, supporting then-leader Muammar Gaddafi. During this time, he maintained ties with Russia, working with "Nashi" (a youth political movement created by the Putin administration). He also created an "election monitoring group" that declared the illegal 2014 referendums in Crimea, Donetsk, and Luhansk "free and fair." Michel has also been linked to the "Merci Vagner" group, which supports the work of Russian mercenaries in Africa.

"Even if bots initially helped these groups, they now operate as an organic influence mechanism with a significant number of real followers from across Africa," writes the BBC.

Such media influence efforts are being ramped up at the intergovernmental level. In 2019, the first "Russia-Africa" summit was held, during which Mikhail Bogdanov, then Russia's special representative for the Middle East and Africa, said that RussiaToday was focusing on "cooperation with African news agencies to disseminate RT content in English, French, and Arabic."

In July 2023, the second "Russia-Africa" summit was held, where several declarations were signed. One of them concerns information security, and these agreements provide for the consolidation of legal and contractual frameworks for cooperation between Russia and African countries. The agreements also provide for the expansion of institutional ties, the training of African journalists and media students, the deepening of cooperation with the African Broadcasting Union, and the exchange of personnel.

The outcome of this summit already poses a threat to media security in Africa. The Russian agency Sputnik has established new partnerships with media outlets in Senegal, Gambia, Mauritania, Kenya, and Uganda. These agencies could potentially become domestic channels for broadcasting Russian propaganda about the Russia-Ukraine war in Africa.

Between the two summits, three new "Russian House" cultural cooperation centers appeared in Mali, Algeria, and Sudan, in addition to the eight that already existed on the continent. Svidomi previously reported on the dangers of these institutions in the text "Russia's network of influence in Europe and North America. How Russia fosters Terrorist and political organizations".

The spread of Russian narratives and interests in African government circles is facilitated by Putin's daughter, Katerina Tikhonova. RFE/RL reports that in November 2023, officials from some 30 African countries were invited to Moscow. There, they would meet with Russian IT specialists and investors who offer digital services to improve governance. The project is supported by the "Innopraktika" center, which is part of the Fund for National Intellectual Development. The general director of this institution is Putin's daughter.

Africa Center for Strategic Studies is a think tank under the US Department of Defense. In April 2022, it published a comprehensive study entitled "Mapping Disinformation in Africa." The center analyzed the largest disinformation campaigns on the continent from 2014 to 2022. Russia was found to have bot farms spreading anti-French publications in Cameroon, the Central African Republic (CAR), the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), and other French-speaking African countries. Russia is also justifying its invasion of Ukraine to audiences in Nigeria, Ghana, and South Africa.

The impact of these actions in the more developed African countries remains small for the time being. Surveys conducted in Nigeria, Kenya, and South Africa show that the majority of these populations see Russia as the aggressor in the Russia-Ukraine war. However, the effects of propaganda are becoming more and more noticeable. On average, 15% of the citizens of these countries have yet to express a clear stance on the current war. This percentage may seem small, but it's important to remember that these countries are not Russia's primary "targets."

Coups in Mali in 2020-2021, in Burkina Faso in 2022, and in Niger in 2023 resulted in power falling into the hands of those critical of the West. All three countries eventually ordered the withdrawal of French and other Western troops. Instead, they turned to Russia for military support.

In 2021, the Russians increased their media influence in Burkina Faso's information space with anti-French narratives. "Media" and "civil organizations" posing as local institutions operated freely on Facebook. Many of these so-called "media" outlets in Africa were funded by structures linked to the Wagner Group. These outlets simultaneously published anti-French news and calls for the withdrawal of French troops from the country. In 2022, the African Digital Democracy Observatory noted a surge in the activity of pro-Russian influencers with significant media reach across Africa. Some of these "political commentators" received 500,000 views for their videos.

As a result of this campaign, during the coup in the country, thousands of people took to the streets of the capital, Ouagadougou, waving Russian flags and showing support for the local junta. Demonstrators attacked the French embassy and called for closer ties between Burkina Faso and Moscow.

After Prigozhin's death and the weakening of Wagner's activities, a new organization appeared on the African media scene — the African Initiative. Directly linked to Russian intelligence, it took over the media and organizational structures in Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso, previously established by Wagner, according to the BBC. The African Initiative operates a news website with material in Russian, English, French, and Arabic, as well as a video channel and five Telegram channels. All of these outlets spread fake news about the Russia-Ukraine war and American biolabs in Africa.

"If Prigozhin's propaganda efforts were aimed primarily at France, the 'African Initiative' is aimed at the Americans," says Jędrzej Czerep, head of the Middle East and Africa program at the Polish Institute of International Affairs.

Chad's situation is worse. Presidential and parliamentary elections are scheduled for December this year. Russian media representatives are active in the country. One of them is Nathalie Yamb, who has already been mentioned by the Center for Countering Disinformation. Yamb, who once actively promoted pro-Russian narratives in the West, is now doing the same in Chad. One of the narratives Yamb is promoting in Chad is that French President Emmanuel Macron is responsible for the country's security challenges. It's worth noting that the southern part of Chad is currently involved in a military conflict with local Islamists.

Another example of Russia's "support" in Chad is the publications of the Front for Change and Concord in Chad (FACT) — a rebel group fighting to overthrow the regime. They demand the withdrawal of French troops and the establishment of relations with Moscow. According to the New York Times, fighters from the rebel group were previously trained at military bases controlled by Wagner in Libya. In light of events in Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso, it's possible that a Russian-backed military coup in Chad could be imminent.

"Russian flags have been seen at protests in Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Chad. This is partly due to pro-Russian information operations," summarizes Beverly Ochieng of BBC Monitoring.

The Wagner Group is not only active in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger. The first reports about mercenaries in Africa appeared at the end of 2017. At that time, the group traveled to Sudan to support then-President Omar al-Bashir in exchange for permission to mine gold. Wagner's presence soon expanded to other African countries.

However, upon arriving in Sudan, Wagner did not support Omar al-Bashir but instead helped organize three state coups in 2019, 2021, and 2023, according to the Africa Center for Strategic Studies. Today, Sudan is embroiled in a civil war between the government and the Janjaweed (a militia responsible for genocide in eastern Sudan). Wagner supports the Janjaweed, who, in turn, pay Wagner in gold from local mines. This precious metal is transported to Russia via forces controlled by Khalifa Haftar in southern Libya.

In 2018, Wagner's terrorist group emerged in Libya and the Central African Republic (CAR) in support of influential commander Khalifa Haftar. They also helped Haftar in his unsuccessful attempt to capture the capital, Tripoli, a year later. In the CAR, Russian mercenaries have been in charge of "security" since 2018. In return, the country has granted them access to some of its gold and diamond mines. The civilian population of CAR has suffered the most at the hands of Wagner fighters, who have been responsible for several war crimes, including the shooting of worshippers in a mosque in Bambari, in which six people were killed, and the massacre in Agibado, in which Wagner forces killed ten civilians.

Wagner has also been present in Zimbabwe. In 2017, they supported the military coup carried out by Emmerson Mnangagwa. As a result, organizations associated with Prigozhin became the main observers of the 2018 elections in the country. In 2019, Russia's AfroMet signed an agreement to develop a platinum mine in Zimbabwe's Great Dyke region.

In addition to these countries, Wagner has been spotted in Mozambique, South Africa, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, and Madagascar, reports NV. Beyond Wagner, Russia is now creating new military forces in Africa — the "African Corps." This group will be present in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, according to Le Monde. The organization is currently being formed by local fighters and former members of the Wagner group.

Because of Russia's extensive network in Africa, it has been able to obtain significant resources for its war in Ukraine. More importantly, many African countries have supported Russia in the UN. Nineteen African countries have never voted in favor of any UN General Assembly resolution on the Russia-Ukraine war. These countries include Algeria, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Guinea, Zimbabwe, Cameroon, Republic of Congo, Mali, Mozambique, Namibia, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, Central African Republic, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Eswatini, Ethiopia and South Africa.

Russia has also recruited African mercenaries to storm Ukrainian positions on the battlefield. According to UNIAN, British intelligence reported that Russia used the aforementioned "African Corps" during the attack on Vovchansk. Russian forces have recruited mercenaries from Syria, Libya, Burkina Faso, and Niger into the corps.

Russia is also luring thousands of African students to "study" in Russia, then luring them to fight on the front lines. Bloomberg reports that Russian officials have threatened to deny visas to African students in Russia unless they join the army. In most cases, deportation to their home countries seems to be a worse choice. Such cases have been recorded among students from Somalia, Congo, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, and Egypt.

According to Yevgen Prymakov, head of Rossotrudnichestvo, there are currently 35,000-37,000 African students studying in Russia, all of whom are at risk of this type of exploitation.

"Resistance to Russian influence and disinformation is being organized within Africa itself," writes Serhii Syrbu, an analyst at the Center for Democracy and Rule of Law. This is being done by organizations such as the African Fact-Checking Alliance, which unites 240 media outlets in 20 countries, the African Digital Democracy Observatory, Africa Check, PesaCheck, and Dubawa. All of these organizations have identified and countered Russian disinformation in the African media space.

Ukraine is also fighting Russian influence. Deutsche Welle reports that Ukraine is currently working to establish a diplomatic foothold on the African continent. Six new embassies have recently opened, including in Rwanda, Botswana, and Mozambique. Four more embassies are expected to open in Sudan, Cameroon, Mauritania, and Tanzania. Former Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba visited several African countries in 2022 and 2023. By the end of 2023, Ukraine had adopted its first-ever communication strategy for Africa.

The Ukrainian government also pursues a policy of food diplomacy, the main project of which is "Grain from Ukraine." The program was created in November 2022 to provide Ukrainian grain as an aid to Sudan, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Kenya, and Somalia. It is an attempt to counter Russia's similar initiative.

Since 2023, Sudan has been embroiled in a civil war. Ukraine officially supports the current legitimate government of Sudan in its fight against the Janjaweed, who are supported by Russia. In fact, Ukraine is trying to influence Sudan's policy on the Russia-Ukraine war. Ukraine is expressing its support not only through diplomatic channels but also through military assistance.

The Wall Street Journal reports that Ukrainian special forces of the Main Intelligence Directorate (HUR) successfully evacuated the head of state, Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, from the besieged capital of Khartoum to the temporary capital of the government forces in Port Sudan. After that, Ukrainian forces fought with Wagner mercenaries in the besieged capital and trained the Sudanese army. After the operation, the HUR forces returned to Ukraine without any casualties. Such actions by Ukraine prevented the Janjaweed from taking over the entire country and further expanding Russia's influence. Russia had been planning to build a naval base in Sudan since 2017 when Wagner mercenaries first appeared in the country. "The front line in the war between Ukraine and Russia now extends to Africa," writes the Wall Street Journal.

The United West shows the weakest response in this situation. In December 2022, the U.S. held the first U.S.-Africa summit in eight years, with the participation of 49 heads of state and the president of the African Union. The Biden administration has visited 26 countries on the continent since. However, as RFE/RF notes, Biden has yet to fulfill his promise to visit the African continent. The US president has not visited sub-Saharan Africa since 2015.

Ukraine should become the voice of change in the policy of the entire Western world towards the African continent. As Serhii Syrbu points out, the Ukrainian government should work to dispel myths about Russia's non-colonial history. This should be done not only with examples from the post-Soviet countries but also from the still oppressed peoples of the Urals, Siberia, the Volga region, and Russia's Far North.