Why is Taras Shevchenko a phenomenon for the Ukrainian people?

March 9, 2023, marks the 209th anniversary of the birth of the Ukrainian poet Taras Shevchenko. His life story tells of a man who could develop even in the realities of his time. 

The society of the Russian Empire was divided into classes, with each class able to act only within a clearly defined framework. "Most often, a standard model was prepared for a serf — to engage in agriculture and crafts under the control of the landlord-owner," says Oleh Mahdych, PhD in History, an analyst at the ARC.ua publishing house and consultant on the history of science at the Museum of Science of the Junior Academy of Sciences of Ukraine.

Choosing the profession of an artist is a non-standard life model for a serf, the scholar believes. 

Taras Shevchenko's personality was described at different times as follows: "national hero," "father of the nation," and "revolutionary democrat." Yet, there is also a search for a new image.

In cooperation with the Junior Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Svidomi tells how the image of the artist has changed over the centuries.

This image formed after Shevchenko's reburial on Chernecha Hill in Kaniv on May 22, 1861. Back then, the poet was perceived as one of the leaders of the Ukrainian movement, one of the voices of popular opinion, and a reflection of the people. 

"This image was mainly formed among supporters of nationalism, whose ideology was based on a mystical belief in the peasantry as the bearers of 'the highest wisdom of life’. That is why Shevchenko was perceived as a "man of the people," a kind of defender of the people from the nobility," says Oleh Mahdych, PhD in History, an analyst for the ARC.ua publishing house and consultant on the history of science at the Museum of Science of the Academy of Sciences of Ukraine.

Taras Shevchenko was perceived somewhat differently by modernists, for whom he was a manifestation of national authority. They were opposed to folklore groups that found in the poet's work confirmation of outdated ideas, made him "their own," and squeezed him into the patterns of patriarchal and patriotic themes. 

Events related to the anniversaries of the poet's death (1911 — the 50th anniversary) and birth (1914 — the 100th anniversary) resonated. The ban on their celebration mobilised Ukrainians and united various social strata. 

At that time, the phenomenon of Taras Shevchenko became a factor in creating an all-Ukrainian national space, a symbol of Ukraine's unity.

Since the figure of Taras Shevchenko was one of the most popular in Ukrainian society, all the ideologies that have somehow made themselves known in the Ukrainian context have developed their model of him. 

"Today, we have six models: Shevchenko being communist, nationalist, Christian, atheist, dissident, and anarchist. Among them, the Soviet (communist) model is the most widespread and ideologically the most convincing," says Oleh Mahdych.

Since 1917, the cult of Shevchenko was in use by both the Ukrainian authorities during the era of the independent state and later by the Soviet authorities. 

"For the Ukrainian government, Shevchenko is, first of all, a key ideologue of independence, the 'father' of statehood, because the archetype of the father as a reflection of wisdom, understanding, and knowledge has the greatest power of persuasion and appears when people need help or authoritative advice," explains the PhD in History.

Taras Shevchenko became a "father" for the Ukrainian people, who combined the past, present, and future, i.e., through his work, he showed what was, what is, and what will be. 

"The key contexts here were Shevchenko's role in shaping the idea of Ukrainian statehood and his opposition to the Russian imperial power. In other words, the figure was viewed through the prism of political history and the confrontation between Ukraine and Russia, the province and the centre. His work was viewed as a source of meaning for the new state ideology," notes Oleh Mahdych.

In Soviet times, Taras Shevchenko was considered a democratic revolutionary. For the Soviet reception, the poet's social background and his persecution by the authorities were important. 

"This allowed us to form an image of a fighter against the unjust tsarist regime and a defender of the peasants. First of all, in the presentation of Shevchenko's life, the main emphasis was placed on his serfdom. On the other hand, what was related to the topos of struggle in Shevchenko's work was inevitably commented on and interpreted through social confrontation," the historian says.

The poet was born when Ukraine lost its statehood. Its lands were divided between two empires: Russian and Austrian. In particular, the governments of these empires eliminated Ukrainian legislation and finally introduced serfdom. Ukrainian politicians at the time acted according to the formula: we are Ukrainians by birth, but we are subjects of the Russian emperor.

"Shevchenko fought against this idea. For him, the Russian Empire and its rulers were tyrants who deprived Ukraine of its freedom. He goes beyond local patriotism and mourning the heroic past. His poetry sharply rejects the model of cooperation with the Russian authorities. It gave a vision of the future: if Ukraine had its own state in the past, it meant that it should gain independence in the future," the historian says.

Oleh Mahdych identifies several reasons:

With the restoration of Ukraine's independence in 1991, a different way of reading the poet's life as an example of a suffering path gained ground. According to the historian, Taras Shevchenko was identified with the nation.